America’s Real Plan — Let India Fight China, Then Break India Too

For decades, American foreign policy has followed a predictable script: support rising nations when they serve U.S. interests, then undermine them once they become independent or powerful enough to challenge U.S. supremacy. Russia faced it. China faces it. And now, according to one of the world’s top economists, India could be next.
China’s meteoric rise from a low-income country in the 1980s to the world’s second-largest economy today has triggered alarm bells across Washington. It is not just an economic rival. China represents a new model of power—technocratic, authoritarian, and globally ambitious—without subscribing to U.S.-led ideals.

From trade wars under Trump to semiconductor bans under Biden, America has tried every non-military tool to slow China down. But at the same time, the U.S. openly courts regional allies like Japan, Australia, and increasingly, India, as part of strategic groups like the Quad and Indo-Pacific alliances. These partnerships are framed as democratic unity—but scratch beneath the surface, and they are clearly military encirclements of Beijing.
When Indian and Chinese troops clashed violently in Galwan, it should have triggered global alarm. But in Washington, it was seen as an opportunity. India’s friction with China became a convenient wedge for American influence to deepen. Within months, U.S. military ties with India surged—communications agreements, joint exercises, and intelligence sharing all intensified.
India is a nation with immense promise. It’s projected to surpass the U.S. as the second-largest economy within 10–15 years, and possibly even overtake China by the end of the century. But India’s rise is not without friction, especially when that rise is seen as non-aligned or autonomous.

In a recent interview with Tucker Carlson, Jeffrey Sachs put it bluntly:
“Someday when India succeeds, the U.S. would want to weaken India… probably sooner rather than later.”

He pointed out that America’s behavior isn’t ideological—it’s hegemonic. It doesn’t matter if a country is democratic or autocratic. What matters is whether it can be controlled. And when it can't, it becomes a threat.

• Russia was once a hopeful post-Cold War partner. After NATO’s eastward expansion and the 2014 Ukraine crisis, it became the enemy.
• China was once the West’s manufacturing partner. Now, with global ambitions and independent tech infrastructure, it’s a threat.
• India, Sachs warns, is being lined up for the same treatment.

“The U.S. wants to use India to beat up China. Don’t play the American game,” Sachs advised. “India is too big for a U.S. game.”

Sachs’ core warning is this: the U.S. doesn’t want India to succeed for India’s sake. It wants India as a strategic pawn in its rivalry with China. The more India leans into this alignment, the more it risks being used and then undermined.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad)—featuring the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India—has been framed as a coalition of democracies. But in practice, it has one core mission: contain China’s expansion in the Indo-Pacific.

Sachs is skeptical of India’s role in such coalitions. “These groupings serve American interests,” he said, cautioning that India’s long-term autonomy could be compromised. Unlike Japan or Australia, which are treaty allies of the U.S., India is a civilizational power with its own trajectory, and should be cautious of being co-opted.
There’s a pattern here—the U.S. supports countries when they’re useful, and abandons or undermines them when they act independently.
Sachs reminds us of America’s track record:

• Iran (1953): A democratic prime minister overthrown for oil and geopolitics.
• Pakistan (1970s–2000s): Used during the Cold War and the War on Terror, then diplomatically sidelined.
• Afghanistan (2021): Abandoned after decades of war.
• Ukraine (2022–2025): Supported heavily until domestic fatigue and elections changed the tide.

“Friendship with the U.S. can be dangerous,” Sachs said bluntly. India must ask itself: Is it rising with the support of others—or being used to serve their battles?

Sachs offers a clear prescription: India must maintain balanced relations with all global powers—including China and Russia. It must resist the urge to become a “junior partner” to any bloc, especially when that bloc’s real agenda is to weaponize India's geography, manpower, and global legitimacy for a foreign rivalry.
The United States may present itself as a friend, an ally, even a partner in India’s rise. But as history shows—from Russia to China, from Iran to Pakistan—American friendship often comes with a hidden expiry date. Once the strategic usefulness fades, so too does the support. And sometimes, the very success it once encouraged becomes the reason it turns against you.

India stands today not just as a rising economy, but as an ancient civilization reclaiming its voice on the world stage. It must ask itself—do we rise as a sovereign power, or as a satellite in someone else’s orbit?

As Jeffrey Sachs wisely warns, “Don’t play the American game.” Because the moment India becomes strong enough to not need the U.S., it may become the next “problem” America wants to fix.

So let India deal with China—but on its own terms. Let it build alliances—but without surrendering autonomy. Let it lead—but not be led into someone else’s war.

For in a world of shifting powers and vanishing loyalties, the only safe rise… is a self-defined one.

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