Emergency, 1975: When 1 Lakh People Lost Their Freedom So One Could Hold on to Power

"The Emergency is the darkest chapter of Indian democracy" — this line, often echoed in textbooks and political debates, still sends chills down the spine of those who remember the night of June 25, 1975. It wasn’t war, nor an external attack. It was a moment when democracy folded inward. When citizens woke up not to headlines, but to silence. No newspapers, no protests, no opposition. Just an eerie calm enforced by fear. The Constitution, ironically meant to protect the people, was used to stifle them. And over 1,00,000 people were arrested — not for crimes, but for being voices of dissent.
At exactly 8:00 PM on June 25, 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi addressed the nation on All India Radio. Her words were calm, composed, and chilling: "The President has proclaimed Emergency. There is nothing to panic about. I am confident that you will support me in the steps I have taken..." It was a soft voice veiling a hard truth — democracy had just been suspended.
The declaration came hours after President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signed the Emergency proclamation under Article 352, on the advice of Indira Gandhi. The stated reason: "internal disturbance." The real reason: political survival.

The trigger was political: On June 12, 1975, the Allahabad High Court, in a landmark judgment by Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha, found Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral malpractices — using government servants for campaigning and exceeding expenditure limits during the 1971 elections. She was barred from holding any elected post for six years.

Facing mounting calls for resignation, especially from the movement led by veteran socialist leader Jayaprakash Narayan, Indira Gandhi took the unprecedented step. Her justification was the rising public unrest, which she claimed was destabilizing national unity. The reality, however, was a desperate attempt to hold on to power.

Operation started swiftly. Overnight, over 1,00,000 people were detained. Senior opposition leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), Morarji Desai, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L.K. Advani, George Fernandes, and countless student leaders and journalists were arrested under the draconian Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA).

Jayaprakash Narayan, who had been leading a growing movement against corruption and authoritarianism, famously called for a "Total Revolution." His arrest triggered national outrage. Before being jailed, he had said, "If the Emergency is not withdrawn, we will launch a non-violent satyagraha. We shall not rest until democracy is restored."

Even trade union leaders like George Fernandes were targeted. Fernandes was accused of plotting to blow up railway tracks and was shown handcuffed in court, an image that became symbolic of resistance.

L.K. Advani, who spent 19 months in jail, later summed up the media’s compliance with a now-iconic remark: "You were merely asked to bend, but you chose to crawl."
During the Emergency, Sanjay Gandhi, though holding no official position, emerged as an unelected power center. He operated out of the Prime Minister’s residence and drove aggressive campaigns with little regard for legal procedures.

His controversial 5-point programme included forced sterilization, slum demolitions, tree planting, anti-dowry campaigns, and literacy drives. While some initiatives were well-intentioned, the methods were brutal. In Turkman Gate, Delhi, protests against slum demolitions were met with police firing. Many were killed; the true toll remains unknown.

Sanjay Gandhi's sterilization campaign was especially cruel. In 1976 alone, over 6.2 million sterilizations were conducted. Many were coerced or misled with false promises. In some cases, men were dragged from buses or trains into temporary camps. Vasectomy targets were assigned to local officials, who used police force to meet quotas.

One of the earliest casualties of the Emergency was the free press. Censorship orders were issued to major publications. Editors had to submit stories for pre-approval. The Indian Express, known for its bold reporting, ran a blank editorial with the words: "This blank space is being published under government orders."

Journalists like Kuldip Nayar and publications like The Statesman, The Indian Express, and Mainstream Weekly were under intense scrutiny. Some journalists were arrested; others threatened into silence. Satirical cartoonist R.K. Laxman saw his works banned.

L.K. Advani, then a young leader and later Deputy Prime Minister, famously remarked: "You were merely asked to bend, but you chose to crawl." This stinging indictment of the media’s capitulation has remained part of public discourse on press freedom ever since.
Through a series of Presidential Orders, the government suspended fundamental rights, especially those under Articles 14 (equality before law), 21 (protection of life and liberty), and 22 (protection against arrest and detention).

In the infamous ADM Jabalpur vs. Shivkant Shukla case (1976), also known as the Habeas Corpus case, the Supreme Court ruled that citizens had no right to approach courts during Emergency for unlawful detention. Only Justice H.R. Khanna dissented, arguing that the Constitution did not permit such abuse. His principled stand cost him the Chief Justice’s post.

The Emergency exposed alarming gaps in the Indian Constitution. Article 352 was vague — allowing the government to declare Emergency without clear benchmarks. Amendments like the 42nd Amendment, passed during the Emergency, curtailed judicial review and strengthened central powers. The Parliament, lacking opposition members, became a rubber stamp.

Indira Gandhi also extended the Lok Sabha's term from five to six years, effectively postponing elections. This was not governance — it was manipulation of the law to suppress electoral accountability.
Despite censorship, murmurs of resistance grew. Underground pamphlets circulated. Radio Vishwa and BBC broadcasts became vital for truth. Exiled leaders reached out to international media. The courage of ordinary citizens and student leaders kept the democratic flame alive.

In January 1977, Gandhi abruptly announced elections. Possibly sensing growing unrest and overconfidence in her control, she miscalculated. The public responded overwhelmingly: the Congress Party suffered a historic defeat. Indira Gandhi and Sanjay Gandhi both lost their seats. The Janata Party, led by Morarji Desai, formed the new government.

To investigate Emergency excesses, the new government set up the Shah Commission of Inquiry. The three-volume report detailed misuse of power, illegal detentions, custodial torture, and forced sterilizations. It indicted Indira and Sanjay Gandhi. Yet, political instability and return of the Congress to power in 1980 meant that no one was held truly accountable.

Learning from history, the Janata government passed the 44th Amendment in 1978. It redefined Emergency criteria to "armed rebellion" instead of "internal disturbance." It made press censorship harder and ensured that fundamental rights could not be suspended so easily. The Supreme Court's role was reaffirmed.

The Emergency remains a stark reminder of how easily constitutional tools can be bent for authoritarian ends. It showed that institutions collapse not only due to brute force, but due to quiet compliance. Civil services obeyed, police executed orders, and courts faltered.

Jayaprakash Narayan's words ring true even today: "True democracy cannot be dictated from above. It must come from below."

In a time where dissent is again branded anti-national and the media faces increasing pressure, the ghost of 1975 continues to haunt Indian democracy. The Emergency was lifted, but the questions it raised still echo: What protects us when the protectors themselves become the threat?

Let this be more than a cautionary tale. Let it be a call to vigilance. Because democracy, as history shows, can be undone not just by tanks on the street — but by silence, pen strokes, and late-night radio announcements.